General Trends of English Politics Before The Viking Invasions Essay Example for Free

General Trends of English Politics Before The Viking Invasions EssayDo you detect every general trend or trends in the practice of English governing before the Viking invasions?Although on that point were sporadic Viking attacks on the coasts of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms from 793 onwards, the Viking invasions, when bulky forces started to appear for sustained campaigns, should probably be seen as beginning in 865, when a heathen army encamped on Thanet.1 Before this snip, we see a trend in English politics of increasingly extensive all over originalship of virtuallywhat kings over others. There is debate about the extent of these overlordships, but it seems argueable to suggest that certain kings at certain times were able to tower other kingdoms, and in any case that there was some increase in the area a king tycoon drive to control. However, there is more argument about what this trend efficacy mean, and pointly whether it can be seen as part of an inexorable pro gression towards the unification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms in the ninth and tenth centuries. I shall argue that the variant tended to a limit, and that there is no reason to see unification as its inevitable result, for triad main reasons. Firstly, we see a nonher trend that, as kingdoms grew twain in size and strength, it became harder to convert overlordship into amalgamation, although this is seen in some cases.Secondly, I shall contend that the overlordship seen was based upon opportunism, with little or no institutional continuity between divergent overlords. Thirdly, the nature of Anglo-Saxon politics was such that no kingdom before the Viking invasions could sustain its ascendancy sufficiently for the trends to represent long-term moves towards unification. The best management to inform the eventual unification is non as a result of long-term trends, but as West Saxon opportunism at a time when the other kingdoms were weak, buttressed by a latent sense of get togeth er ecclesiastical identity, which the Viking threat brought to the surface.The main trend that we see in the pre-Viking Anglo-Saxon kingdoms is the developing of overlordship, whereby one political unit, while retaining a degree of separate identity, and quite possibly its own ruler, was dominated by another. the Venerable Bede uses a anatomy of damage to refer to different rulers, including rex, princeps and subregulus. The impression that one gets from this is a complex patchwork of kings, with some subordinate to others Dumville and Campbell both justifiably point out that the terminological variety suggests that there was no universal pattern, but a web of dependent relationships this is similar to the situation in Ireland at the same time. It is analogously that such relationships go back to the beginning of the Anglo-Saxon result Kirby points out that this would hardly be surprising, since Tacitus describes similar hierarchies in Germany. However, we do see overlordship be ing exercised over increasingly large areas the traditional starting point here is Bedes list of seven kings who ruled over all the southern kingdoms.2 The evidence does generally support the discern that these kings exercised considerable power over large parts of England. Keynes asserts that it is inconceivable that Aelle of Sussex and Ceawlin of Wessex, the first two rulers, could have wide ranging power. We know little about them, but the business relationship entries do suggest that they were significant and had successes, particularly against the Britons.3 Furthermore, Myres studies of the distribution of pottery fragments suggest that both rulers exercised some billet in the Midlands and easterly Anglia, since pottery finds match those in their native kingdoms. The evidence is not sufficient to suggest that they had control as far north as the Humber, but we would be unwise to dismiss the whim that these kings had some form of overlordship over much of southern England.F urthermore, Keynes is sceptical about Aethelbert of Kents power, suggesting that Bedes reiteration of the claim that he was king of all the land south of the Humber4 shows that this was dubious, requiring repetition to convince readers. However, the papal appeal that Aethelbert should spread the Word to his subjects suggests that he had considerable power, as Higham argues, even if he was not literally king of the English, the style accorded to him by the appeal.5 It is less easy to rebut Keynes diminution of Raedwald of East Anglia, since we know very little about him.If we could be more certain that the person buried at Sutton Hoo is indeed Raedwald (as many historians posit), we could assume that he was a very rich and powerful king however, Keynes does not give us any positive reason to uncertainness Bedes claim regarding Raedwalds wide overlordship. Although Keynes asserts that Bede makes inflated claims about the scope of the influence of Edwin, Oswald and Oswiu of Northumbr ia, there is no strong evidence to support this Bedes account is internally consistent, giving examples of these kings intervening in the Mevanian Islands (Angelsey and Man),6 Wessex,7 East Anglia,8 and Mercia9 at various times.These interventions could be entirely military (as is implied for the islands) or could involve peaceful shows of power, such as Oswalds company in the baptism of Cynigils of Wessex. It seems reasonable to conclude that these kings did exert influence across large parts of Southumbria and it appears that the areas they could control increased Keynes attempt to deny extensive overlordship in this period to strengthen his (already strong) case against a formal Bretwaldic institution is not particularly convincing.Furthermore, overlordship did not end with Oswiu indeed, the later Mercian kings were possibly even more successful in securing practical overlordship across much of Southumbria. Bede acknowledges that the southern kingdoms were subject to Aethelbald at the time he was writing,10 supporting Dumvilles conclusion that the omission of the Mercian kings from the earlier list was prompted by concern to curtail the digression from Aethelberts death, preferably than Northumbrian bias.There is evidence of Mercian hegemony in the south before Aethelbald Bede explicitly states that the South Saxons were subject to Wulfhere11 and Eddius refers to Wulfheres ability to flummox forces from all the southern kingdoms.12 Furthermore, charters give us evidence that Mercian kings were overlords in Southumbria in the Ismere Diploma, Aethelbald is styled king not only of the Mercians but also of all provinces which are called by the general name South English13 Offa could confirm a land grant by an ealdorman of the South Saxons14 Offa was apparently the near beloved lord of the Hwicce15 Offa was in a position to revoke a grant of land by the King Egbert of Kent16 Wiglaf could grant land in Worcestershire17 and Brihtwulf could do the same in Berks hire.18 This charter evidence is very important it demonstrates that the kings of Mercia in this period claimed assurance over other southern kingdoms and also implies that this authority could have practical manifestations, such as the right to grant land or at least to confirm grants do by their underkings. The extent of their authority seems to decline aft(prenominal) Offa, but the principle of overlordship, in a more limited sense, continued.One of the most debated feasible indicators of widespread Mercian overlordship is the document known as the Tribal Hidage. The difficulties and ambiguities of this text are such that the charter evidence cited is a far stronger sign of extensive Mercian overlordship, but there is a significant hap that the Tribal Hidage is a Mercian aid list, estimating the tribute that the Mercian kings hoped to collect from southern kingdoms. Highams bold self-confidence in dismissing a Mercian origin is unwise, in that such levels of certainty are w holly inappropriate in this context all we can do is suggest hypotheses, while accepting that other hypotheses may be valid.As Featherstone and sawyer beetle point out, the methodical arrangement, with the kingdoms being arranged in an approximately clockwise order around Mercia, hints at a Mercian origin. The inclusion of a figure for Mercia, which Higham sees as evidence that the document is a Northumbrian tribute list, might be an assessment of internal food renders, Featherstone suggests. The preservation and copying of the Tribal Hidage imply that there was some practical purpose in estimating the hidation of Southumbria it is still possible to accept tentatively the claims of Davies and Vierck that the Tribal Hidage is an indicator of widespread Mercian overlordship.There is some agreement that Egbert of Wessex, whom the Anglo-Saxon fib appends to Bedes list of overlords and styles Bretwalda (Manuscript A ruler of Britain) or Brytenwalda (other Manuscripts wide ruler), was overlord of extensive territories. Keynes accepts the Chronicles claim that Egbert conquered the kingdom of the Mercians, and everything south of the Humber19 this statement must cast inquiry upon Stentons assertion that the extent of Egberts overlordship was not comparable to Offas.Nevertheless, Keynes claim that Egbert was the first, not the eighth, wide ruler is dubious the evidence very strongly suggests that overlordship had been an aspect of Anglo-Saxon politics for centuries. However, the territories being brought under a single overlord were tending to increase in scale the archaeological record suggests that the early great kings, like Aelle and Ceawlin, could aspire to rule much of the land south of the Humber, but nothing like as much as the later Mercians and Egbert. This trend was not relentless in the period between Offa and Egbert, there is little evidence of comprehensive overlordship on the scale of either of these rulers.Although we observe this trend towards the formation of more extensive overlordships, we should not conclude, as Stenton and stool do, that this trend could be alterd to encompass the unification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. In the first place, it seems to have been increasingly difficult to convert overlordship into the actual amalgamation of kingdoms. Initially, with small kingdoms, it may not have been unduly difficult to effect such assimilation Yorke points out that East Kent seems to have consumed West Kent sometime during the one-sixth century. Indeed, much amalgamation probably occurred in the sixth century, before the various kingdoms that we see emerged. Furthermore, it was often possible for a larger kingdom to digest a smaller one this is seen in the cases of Deira (eventually subsumed into Bernicia after 651) and the Hwicce (gradually divested of independence by Mercia in the eighth century).However, integration was not always smooth despite being united under Aethelfrith and Edwin, Deira was ruled separately under Oswine from 642 until 651. In the latter part of the pre-Viking period, it would have been very difficult for one of the greater kingdoms to consume another for good this is suggested by the fact that, despite their struggles and periods of subjection to one another, Northumbria, East Anglia, Mercia and Wessex all survived until the Viking onslaught. An illustration of this difficulty is the case of Mercia Oswiu of Northumbria was only able to rule Mercia directly for three years after his victory in 655 he was driven out by the Mercian ealdormen in 658. Similarly, Egberts domination of Mercia was not secure he was recognized as king by the Mercians in 829 but Wiglaf was restored in 830.Indeed, it would seem that political union was most successful when it was pursued gently unlike Offas aggressive attempts to dominate Kent from 764 until 785, Wessexs absorption of Kent and Sussex was done with sensitivity to the local nobles this did, however, mean that the sense of union w as perhaps not cemented, as is suggested by Aethelwulfs proposed division of Greater Wessex, with Aethelbert succeeding in the East and his other sons taking Wessex itself in turn. However, unification in the ninth and tenth centuries can be explained in that the situation after the coming of the Vikings was different, since Mercia, East Anglia and Northumbria were seriously weakened by the attacks, aiding Wessexs expansion.Moreover, the overlordship that we see was probably highly opportunistic, without institutional underpinnings. Yorke is probably right that the principal motivation for overlordship was the collection of tribute Bede mentions tribute in connection with overlordship20 and Eddius says that Wulfheres purpose in attacking Northumbria was to gain tribute.21 Furthermore, the Mercians could presumably have conquered a tribe like the Hicca (assessed at a mere ccc hides in the Tribal Hidage), had they wished to do so that such tribes existed as notionally independent enti ties suggests that, if the Tribal Hidage is a Mercian tribute list, the Mercians were content with tribute rather than political union.However, John argues that there was some kind of institutional framework and that overlordship was being gradually translated into unification. Key to this argument is the adoption of formal styles by kings John contends that the ideal of a united Britain was a real one in kings minds, citing the use of various titles.The most famous of these is Bretwalda or, as John prefers, Brytenwalda, which appear in different versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle22 I shall not become drawn into an argument about which style is the original, because the ambiguity and confusion is sufficient of itself, as Wormald argues, to cast doubt upon the existence of such an institution in reality. Clearly, whoever was copying the manuscripts was not familiar with the term, which suggests that it was a literary construct devised retrospectively to describe Egbert its freque nt application to kings like Aelle and Raedwald is then probably anachronistic and Kirbys vision of kings striving to become Bretwalda23 is most likely to be fanciful.John also argues that other titles imply the existence of some kind of abstract concept of overlordship separate from the individual kings who happened to be overlords. For example, he highlights that Adomnan says that Oswald was ordained by God as emperor of all of Britain24 and that Boniface refers to Aethelbald wielding the vivid sceptre of imperial rule over the English.25 This evidence, combined with the point about Bretwaldas, is a rather thin basis for a case it is quite possible that the titles were simply being used for flattery the fact that Boniface calls Aethelbald king of the Mercians in his letter asking Herefrith to deliver the previous communication suggests that the imperial title used in the letter to Aethelbald was unofficial.26 Moreover, Offa is also generally styled king of the Mercians,27 as is Cenwulf.28 In their charters, they tend to claim to be kings of various kingdoms, rather than stressing titles of institutional overlordship.If there was no institution of overlordship, each de facto overlordship would have to start afresh in trying to create cohesion the trend of increasingly extensive overlordship was not therefore destined to result in the formation of England, since there was often little continuity between the different overlords. The sense of common identity that began to emerge by the later ninth century (Alfred could speak of Angelkynn and Englisc) probably had far more to do with religious unity in the face of the pagan Viking threat. As Wormald argues, the Church, rather than the so-called Bretwaldas, was the institution that provided a common reference point for the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, by stressing that the Gens Anglorum was a chosen people, selected to receive the Word.Given that there were most probably no institutions to produce continuity in overlor dship, momentum towards unification could only be maintained as long as a particular kingdom was in the ascendant however, the nature of Anglo-Saxon politics in this period was such that success tended to be transient. We see this is Northumbria, whose hegemony collapsed very quickly after defeats at the Battle of the Trent (679) and Nechtansmere (685). Likewise, Mercian hegemony seems to have declined gradually after Offa. There was, to a significant extent, a natural instability in the pattern of politics kings require land to grant to warriors (to secure their support), which required the conquest of land, which required more warriors this pattern was uninfectedly unsustainable in the longer term.The importance of giving gifts to warriors is seen in Beowulf, where Hrothgar says that he will dispense / his God-given goods to young and old29 Bede shows that such gifts were necessary in the real world, expressing concern that excessive endowment of secularised monasteries had left Northumbria with meagre land to grant to warriors.30 There is evidence to suggest that warriors would desert their lord, if he ceased to provide them with treasure and land Aldhelm expresses disapproval of those who do this in his letter to the clergy of Bishop Wilfrid.31 Probably, the importance of conquering new lands explains why the initiative shifted away from the south-east to Northumbria, Mercia and Wessex these kingdoms could, at least for a while, conquer land from Britons, in a way that kingdoms like Kent could not. A notable feature of both Beowulf and Anglo-Saxon politics is that kingdoms tended to come to grief sooner or later success was rarely lasting. some other source of instability was internal dynastic politics there seem to have been frequent civil wars. This is hardly surprising given that, according to Dumville, any aetheling could claim the throne through descent in the male line from the founder of the kingdom the multiplicity of aethelings32 would not infr equently compete for the kingship. The Historia Regum attributed to Simeon of Durham demonstrates that cardinal different dynasties competed for the Northumbrian throne between 759 and 796, with murders, exiles and (probably forced) tonsures being common.33 Similarly, there is evidence of the threat of dynastic instability in Mercia, in that Offa decided to eliminate his son Cenwulfs potential drop competitors Alcuin attributes conflict in Cenwulfs reign to this policy and says that this was not the strengthening of his kingdom, but its ruin.34 Given that there were such internal problems, it is hardly surprising that kingdoms could recidivate overlordship quickly, as dynastic politics came to predominate. The importance of dynastic stability is seen in the eventual rise of Wessex Egberts successes against Mercia came when the latter was probably engaged in dynastic wrangles Campbell suspects that uncomplete Ludeca (825-7) nor Wiglaf (827-40) were related to their predecessors. On the other hand, the West Saxon succession was more stable, as Dumville points out this is seen in the succession in turn of Aethelwulfs sons, even if it did not conform entirely to Aethelwulfs intentions. However, dynastic tension was generally a feature of the pre-Viking period this contributed to the rapid rise and fall of kingdoms, meaning that overlordship could not consolidate into unification.We do therefore see a trend towards greater overlordships in this period, though it must be noted that this trend was gradual and not entirely linear. Nevertheless, it is clear that certain kings were able to exert influence over far larger areas just before the Viking invasions than others could at the beginning of the Anglo-Saxon period. However, it would be unwise to extrapolate this trend and interpret it as some kind of progression towards the eventual unification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms under the West Saxons. It became harder to translate overlordship into political amalgamat ion as kingdoms grew, and overlordship was not itself stable, given the internal vicissitudes of kingdoms.We see that, before the later ninth and tenth centuries, no kingdom could sustain overlordship for long and, in the absence of recognised institutions of overlordship, this meant that whatever progress might conceivably have been made towards unification under one overlord was lost when his kingdoms power waned. The rise of Wessex was predicated upon factors that mostly could not have been foreseen it was able to take advantage of the weakness of the other English kingdoms in the wake of the Viking attacks and could exploit the latent sense of religious unity, which was probably made stronger by the common, external, pagan threat.Bassetts extended metaphor of a knockout football competition, which inevitably produces a single winner, is not particularly apposite while we might nowadays modify Kembles nineteenth century allusions (he described overlordship as a mere fluctuating s uperiority such as we may find in Hawaii, Tahiti or New Zealand, due to success in war and lost in turn by defeat35), his basic conclusion, that the overlordships that we see in the pre-Viking Anglo-Saxon kingdoms were not leading inexorably towards unification, still seems entirely reasonable.BibliographySourcesAdomnan, life of Columba, ed. and trans. R. 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